Specifically focusing on 'Critically explore the political, social and economic factors that have led to the rise of far-right groups, such as the English Defence League, in the UK.' Completed in over 2,000 words with a full reference list.
Critically explore the political, social and economic factors that have led to the rise of far-
right groups, such as the English Defence League, in the UK.
Word count: 2184/2000
The English Defence League (EDL) was established in 2009, at a time of great economic, social
and political uncertainty, and experienced an overwhelming success, uniting under the tagline
“One Nation, One Enemy, One Firm.” It claimed to defend the English national identity but has
received mass criticism for possessing undesirable new far-right beliefs and characteristics, both
of which it denies by claiming they are only responding to “the perceived threat of Islam”,
despite its evident links with various nationalist parties such as the BNP. This paper will be
exploring the convergence of factors caused by the unstable social climate and which ultimately
led to the immensely emotional public response. In particular, it will be examining the ever-
growing support for extremist parties in the modern day at a global level and understanding the
social demographic who feel most attracted to this ideology.
Initially labelling itself a ‘human rights organisation’, the EDL became infamous due to its street-
level violence or as the party claimed, “peacefully protesting against militant Islam” 2 (Booth,
2009). This arguably coincided with hate crimes and many interpreted it as a demonisation of
Muslims, which inevitably encouraged the growth of Islamophobia. By 2011, they had accumulated
some 30,000 fervent online supporters alone, more than 600 of which, had been arrested due to
disruptive demonstrations.1 (Kassimeris, 2014) The party spread awareness through social media
and used a combination of ultra-nationalism and anti-Islamic politics, which built the framework
for the formation of the EDL, promoting anti-Islamic propaganda and a notion of precarious
whiteness. Needless to say, with many of their core aims and public demonstrations protesting
against the “deviant Muslim presence in the UK” the party was often mistaken for validating hate
crime, claiming it was in pursuit of political means; Kassimeris’ (2014) 7 research reflects the
public’s attitude to the party, with 74% agreeing it is a ‘racist organisation’, nevertheless, it also
found this belief was not always sufficient enough to act as a deterrent in preventing many from
joining.
Britain is a place which some would suggest has become “immune from far-right politics” 1.
However, it was experiencing an unprecedented moment of division in political history through a
wave in demand for non-mainstream, nationalist ideology from a marginalised demographic in
society who felt underrepresented, deprived and ‘left behind’ in both politics and the media. A
dispiriting lack of determination from politicians to challenge historical problems was all too
evident along with a general acceptance of the unequal modern social structures, contributing
towards the far-right demonstrations and protests, which were wreaking havoc. Lowles (2009)
states that similar previous demonstrations such as the Oldham riots (2001) were also “the effect
of hooligan incursions” and contributed to a pre-existing tense and unsatisfactory relationship
between the government and the public. Therefore, this emphasised how crucial it was for the
government and local “authorities to have responsibility to communities to protect them from
violence” and hate crime which was evident in both examples. 5 (Booth, 2009)
It is debatable as to whether the situation in the UK was simply a delayed response to a more
serious growth of far right movements across Europe such as the Dutch Freedom Party or the
French National Front which staunchly advocates cuts to legal immigration and holds a
combination of left social values and far right political values in a bid to defend the “average
Frenchman”. This cluster of extremist groups held ideologies stemming from neo-Nazism, racism
1
, Crime, Power and Justice - SOC2063
and anti-Semitism, and despite the EDL not holding such extreme values, they offer one common
factor; a spin on the default narrative with the suggestion that minority groups were to blame. In
hindsight, this is evidently a profound mistake as Muslims did not create the political instability
nor the disintegration of traditional community life which drove the frustration of the white
working-class. Contemporary arguments such as Winlow’s, (2017) 12 illuminates the true culprit
for the erosion of traditional cultures and overall decline in status as actually being Capitalism. Its
ability to destabilise societal and economic values is hidden under a guise of striving for progress
and liberty while preventing them from understanding the genuine source of misery.
Notably, we must acknowledge the popularity of a cohesive far-right was also a result of a failure
in leftist political organisations, which grew accepting of free-market capitalism and “drifted into
the middle class”. The left became complacent with the state of the economy; accepting any cuts
in state spending in a bid to “balance the books”. Unfortunately, a majority of the public deemed
this as a failure to actively fulfil the State’s duty of care towards those treated unfairly and
interpreted it as plain white-collar ignorance towards injustice. The left demonstrated this by
replacing original concerns over Capitalism by targeting their resources and political interest into
specific issues such as ethnicity, gender, political correctness and promoting the interests of
migrants, as opposed to the predominant indiscriminate economic inequality which was
devastating numerous demographics in society.
Online social networks fostered the growth and appeal of the EDL in certain social demographics
by advertising a sense of cohesion and unity through its marches and protests as well as sharing
nationalist interests and voicing hard-line views. Jackson (2011) 3 applied the Social Movement
Theory to explain the EDL’s efforts to resist certain societal changes and organisational
structures. The EDL claims it is protecting British society from an extreme form of Islam which is
attempting to erode English culture. 3 (Jackson, 2011) An escalation of sociological processes had
been fuelling the rise of the radical right, appealing to those who began to feel neglected from
mainstream politics. Studies show Individuals who experience a certain combination of
environmental factors are more likely to feel vulnerable to this way of thinking. For example, the
radicalisation of three young Muslim men in Luton (2001) gave rise to communal polarisation
between Muslim and white communities generating targeted hate crime and Luton acquired a
reputation as a ‘hotbed’ for Islamic radicalisation. This culture is derived from the EDL’s
maintained activism through media campaigns and street protests, accumulating a wide
following, all with a shared sense of dissatisfaction and neglected by mainstream society and
politics.
Social media was integral in providing a platform for the EDL and developing a successful strong
social network of supporters as well as building momentum and attracting awareness ahead of
planned events. The targeted strategies sparked anticipation and excitement which helped the
EDL develop credibility as they encouraged supporters to demonstrate their support and beliefs,
for example, by selling branded merchandise. The EDL identified highly topical issues from
immigration to adopting tougher measures all in a bid to urge minority groups to adopt a populist
narrative whilst constantly trying to distance itself from an infamous legacy of neo-Nazi style
extremism. The EDL supplied many incentives which distinguished them from other parties such
as providing opportunities for activist violence, oneness of purpose, self-worth and solidarity;
Lamont’s (2000) 10 study suggests that racial solidarity fuels a sense of self-worth, and reinforces
Robinson’s analysis, explaining why the EDL’s activities were particularly appealing to white
British members.
An interesting theory by Rydgren (2005) 8 suggests that credible politics, combined with
‘ethnonationalist xenophobia’, ensued the success of these far-right wing groups during this
2
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